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王伟光
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    Surveilling the Girl

    作者:莱斯莉·雷根·谢德 出版时间:2015年09月
    摘要:本文考察了新型的家庭监视方式,重点讨论了媒体宣传话语如何假定女孩需要安全的技术空间。本文以手机为例,手机运用全球定位系统(GPS)或生物识别技术对女孩进行监视、控制、追踪,另外也对年轻人的交际行为实例进行分析。“受保护的孩子”现象或许的确是北美中产阶级在千禧时代育儿中必有的一面。许多年轻人在社交媒体中无所顾忌地表达自我、交流,甚至在家庭和学校的监控范围之外,建构不同的身份和领地,这使得孩子们越发难以保护。年轻人是包括诸如脸谱在内的社交网站的社交媒体狂热使用者,也是热情的移动手机用户。对于那些发现科技所提供的文字流动存在隐患的成年人而言,这一事实着实令他们烦恼。在北美,一个名副其实的产业已经形成,它打着保护孩子免受同龄人的骚扰或影响,免受性侵犯,陌生人打扰以及性虐待的名义,允许家长监视孩子。这些话语对年轻女孩显示出格外关注也就不足为奇了。不管是20世纪初电话的产生,20世纪30年代电影的出现,还是20世纪90年代中期互联网的普及,一代代的成年人都特别关注新技术对年轻女性获得性知识及与异性交往能力的影响。笔者认为,从事少女研究的工作者们需要批判性地评估这种公共话语极其性别维度。年轻女孩作为消费者和数字无线通信创造者发挥了积极作用。研究者应该在保护主义的话语与这一现实之间实现协调。
    Abstract:This paper examines the new regime of domestic surveillance with a particular focus on how promotional and media discourse posits the young girl in need of safe technological spaces,using the example of the mobile phone that utilizes GPS or biometric technologies to monitor,control,track,and otherwise contain young people’s communicative practices.The protected child may indeed be an intrinsic facet of middle-class millennium parenting in North America,exacerbated by the sheer intrepidness of many young people’s use of social media for self-expression,communication,and the creation of fluid identities and autonomy outside of parental or school-based boundaries. That young people are avid users of social media including social network sites (SNS) such as Facebook,as well as enthusiastic mobile phone users can be troubling for adults who find the literal mobility afforded by these technologies threatening.In North America,a veritable industry has developed to allow parents to surveil their children,under the guise of protecting them from peer harassment or influence,sexual predators,strangers,or sexual exploration. That the discourse disproportionately focuses on young girls is not surprising. Generations of adults have demonstrated particular concern regarding the influence of new technologies on young women’s access to sexual knowledge and their ability to interact with the opposite sex,whether it be fears emanating from the telephone at the beginning of thetwentieth century,film in the 1930s,or the popularization of the internet in the mid-1990s (Shade “Contested”;Cassell and Cramer).I argue that girls’ studies scholars need to critically assess this public discourse and its gendered dimensions and reconcile the protectionist rhetoric with the reality of the very active roles young girls are assuming as consumers and creators of digital and wireless communication
    In March 2009 Canada’s national newspaper,The Globe and Mail,reported that high school students in British Columbia,upon learning that their principal had jammed their cell phone connections while at school,boycotted classes in order to impress upon the administration its illegality under Sections 4 and 9 of Canada’s Radiocommunication Act.Said Amber Wright,a Grade 12 student:“We did our research on the internet... breaking the law is not a good way to send a message” (Moneo). The principal argued that he was “looking for a solution to a problem”-that of excess use of digital technologies,including iPods and phones,in the classroom,and concerns by teachers over texting and potential cheating on tests. Wright,who has had a cell phone since she was 14,retorted,“It’s our right to have them.”Are these young people entitled,spoiled,or within their legal rights to possess a mobile phone on their body at all times,with the caveat that they understand and respect the appropriate etiquette while on school property?Reader responses to the article highlighted the generational divide,with posters either condemning or commending the students for their pluckiness in identifying an illegal activity and taking action. This incident highlights how unassuming and axiomatic mobile phones have become for middle-class young people in North America in their everyday lives. The U.S. Pew Internet and American Life Project study entitled reports that about one in four teenagers owns a smartphone,three-quarters a mobile phone,with texting as the dominant mode of communications amongst friends and other people (Lenhart). Tracy Kennedy,Aaron Smith,Amy Tracy Wells,and Barry Wellman,in examining mobile phones and Internet in the U.S. household,describe their use as “family technologies,” citing an increased use by married families with children compared to couples without children or single-person households. Connected lives epitomize the family today:“89% of married-with-children households own multiple cell phones,and nearly half(47%) own three or more mobile devices. Children in these households are somewhat less likely to own a cell phone than they are to go online:57% of these children (aged 7-17) have their own cell phone” (29).The integration of mobiles into youth’s everyday lives has been studied across a variety of global youth cultures,with much of the research sharing similar findings in terms of affordability of services determining distinct uses (Shepherd & Shade). A particular focus is on how the mobile phone is used by young people for establishing and maintaining connections within peer circles and their family (Ling;Stald). The mobile phone enables constant connectedness via texting and chatting,and has become an intrinsic facet in youth’s everyday lives:its functionality fuses with identity formation and friendship safeguarding.The convergence of social media applications into the mobile phone is a potentially lucrative market,especially for the hearts and pocketbooks of youth,who have (unjustifiably or not) been rejoiced by some media pundits as pioneering content creators,activists and digital denizens (Tapscott).As Lev Manovitch cautions,however,basic questions surrounding the political economy of the consumer electronics industry and social media corporations (entrenched as they are in larger structures of media power and concentration) with their inherent goal of revenue accrual through various marketing schemes and third-party advertising need to be critically addressed before we can blithely celebrate young people’s ostensible agency and autonomy in using such technologies (321).

    “Peace of Mind”:The Children’s Mobile Phone Safety Industry

    Just as the last few years have witnessed a palpable gendering of the mobile phone though design and the adoption of various accoutrements that feminize the phone (Shade “Feminizing”),the mobile phone through its augmentation via technological modes of surveillance has now become a device to allow for remote parental control and monitoring (Richtel). In many instances promotional discourse on mobile phone safety is gendered,while in the case of social network sites,it is indeed young girls who are those most cited as in need of safe spaces free from cyber-bullying and (male) sexual predators. As Sherry Turkle describes it,mobile phones can cushion transitional mobilities of children;parents and children are both literally “on tap” and the child is “tethered,” without “the experience of being alone with only him or herself to count on” (127).

    If the digitally “tethered child” is unique to the millennium North American family,it is also because hyper-vigilant parents are coddled (or exploited!) through an array of new products and services that both monitor and discipline